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剑桥
相关语句
  cambridge
    Brief view of Xu Zhimo and Cambridge University
    徐志摩与剑桥大学
短句来源
    Louis Cha in Cambridge
    金庸的剑桥生活
短句来源
    Degree at Cambridge University, England in 1947, and elected Member of Chinese Academy of Sciences in 1980. He had served as Professor of Geology in Peking University, Vice President of the Beijing College of Geology, and President of the Wuhan College of Geology, President of the Palaeontological Society of China, and Member of Standing Committee of CPPCC.
    1947年获英国剑桥大学博士学位。 历任北京大学教授兼秘书长、北京地质学院教授兼副院长、武汉地质学院教授兼院长、中国古生物学会理事长、第七、八届全国政协常务委员。
短句来源
    Xu Zhimo had recorded in Cambridge University's literature history.
    徐志摩载入了剑桥文学史。
短句来源
  cambridge university
    Brief view of Xu Zhimo and Cambridge University
    徐志摩与剑桥大学
短句来源
    Degree at Cambridge University, England in 1947, and elected Member of Chinese Academy of Sciences in 1980. He had served as Professor of Geology in Peking University, Vice President of the Beijing College of Geology, and President of the Wuhan College of Geology, President of the Palaeontological Society of China, and Member of Standing Committee of CPPCC.
    1947年获英国剑桥大学博士学位。 历任北京大学教授兼秘书长、北京地质学院教授兼副院长、武汉地质学院教授兼院长、中国古生物学会理事长、第七、八届全国政协常务委员。
短句来源
    Xu Zhimo had recorded in Cambridge University's literature history.
    徐志摩载入了剑桥文学史。
短句来源
  cambridge university
    Brief view of Xu Zhimo and Cambridge University
    徐志摩与剑桥大学
短句来源
    Degree at Cambridge University, England in 1947, and elected Member of Chinese Academy of Sciences in 1980. He had served as Professor of Geology in Peking University, Vice President of the Beijing College of Geology, and President of the Wuhan College of Geology, President of the Palaeontological Society of China, and Member of Standing Committee of CPPCC.
    1947年获英国剑桥大学博士学位。 历任北京大学教授兼秘书长、北京地质学院教授兼副院长、武汉地质学院教授兼院长、中国古生物学会理事长、第七、八届全国政协常务委员。
短句来源
    Xu Zhimo had recorded in Cambridge University's literature history.
    徐志摩载入了剑桥文学史。
短句来源
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  cambridge
This accomplishes the first of a possible, two-step process in solving the problem raised (LNCS, 1991, 530: 16-33; Domains and lambda-calculi, Cambridge Univ.
      
Further, we demonstrate that principally distributive domains (those for which each principle ideal is distributive) form a proper subclass of weakly distributive domains, and Birkhoff's M3 and N5 (Introduction to Lattices and order, Cambridge Univ.
      
The TOPOS program package was employed to analyze the intermolecular contacts and to calculate the vaporization enthalpies for 570 organotitanium molecular complexes selected from the Cambridge Structural Database.
      
This high frequency of the Cambridge mitotype is considerably higher than its mean frequencies in European populations.
      
Agren and Ernesto Bosatta, Theoretical Ecosystem Ecology, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996 (Reprinted in 199
      
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  cambridge university
Agren and Ernesto Bosatta, Theoretical Ecosystem Ecology, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996 (Reprinted in 199
      
Dunning, eds., Rydberg States of Atoms and Molecules (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1983; Mir, Moscow, 1985)] widely used in the theory of l mixing with the participation of Rydberg atoms.
      
Suicide amongst Cambridge University Students 1970-1996
      
Eleven Medieval Arabic Block Prints in the Cambridge University Library
      
Squires (eds.), Ethnicity, Nationalism and Minority Rights, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2004
      
更多          
  cambridge university
Agren and Ernesto Bosatta, Theoretical Ecosystem Ecology, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996 (Reprinted in 199
      
Dunning, eds., Rydberg States of Atoms and Molecules (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1983; Mir, Moscow, 1985)] widely used in the theory of l mixing with the participation of Rydberg atoms.
      
Suicide amongst Cambridge University Students 1970-1996
      
Eleven Medieval Arabic Block Prints in the Cambridge University Library
      
Squires (eds.), Ethnicity, Nationalism and Minority Rights, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2004
      
更多          


Dr. Wu Liand (Wu Lien-Teh) was a harbingre of modern medicine and hygyene in China that he founded the earliest system of modern quarantine and built the Chinese Medical Association as well as some hospitals, institutions and medical schools during 1908-1936. He had his name up as the Plague Fighter due to his extraordinary contributions that he was successful to estinguish the Manchurian plague epidemic in 1911, to be like the Black Death in Europe in the 14th century, and then he held the inernational Plague...

Dr. Wu Liand (Wu Lien-Teh) was a harbingre of modern medicine and hygyene in China that he founded the earliest system of modern quarantine and built the Chinese Medical Association as well as some hospitals, institutions and medical schools during 1908-1936. He had his name up as the Plague Fighter due to his extraordinary contributions that he was successful to estinguish the Manchurian plague epidemic in 1911, to be like the Black Death in Europe in the 14th century, and then he held the inernational Plague Conference in Shengyang. His name is world-renowned not only because his above achivements but also for his any number of books and articles as a doctor and a medical historian.

伍连德是中国近代医学卫生事业的先驱者,现代防疫体制的奠基人,著称世界的“鼠疫斗士”。他早年毕业于剑桥大学,获医学博士学位,1908年返国任天津陆军军医学堂副监督。1911年,在他的有力领导下,4个月内扑灭了东北鼠疫大流行,主持召开了万国鼠疫大会。后来又相继扑灭了几次鼠疫、霍乱等疾病流行。他建立了东三省防疫事务总管理处、中央防疫处及海港检疫所,从外国人手中收回了海关检疫主权,同时建设起哈尔滨医学专门学校、北京中央医院、东北陆军总医院及各类防疫医院及医学教学科研机构达数十所之多。伍氏除了积极推进全民公共卫生之外,还是一位杰出的爱国者,销毁鸦片、提倡火葬、支持学生运动,并且是中华医学会的创始人之一、《中华医学杂志》第一任总编。他一生著作甚丰,有《中国医史》、《鼠疫概论》等以及数百篇论文,蜚声中外。1937年日寇侵华,他被迫离开中国,后在马来西亚行医,至1960年逝世。

Born in November 1916, Prof. Wang Hongzhen was graduated from Department of Geology, Peking University in 1939, conferred Ph. D. Degree at Cambridge University, England in 1947, and elected Member of Chinese Academy of Sciences in 1980. He had served as Professor of Geology in Peking University, Vice President of the Beijing College of Geology, and President of the Wuhan College of Geology, President of the Palaeontological Society of China, and Member of Standing Committee of CPPCC. Presently he is a Professor...

Born in November 1916, Prof. Wang Hongzhen was graduated from Department of Geology, Peking University in 1939, conferred Ph. D. Degree at Cambridge University, England in 1947, and elected Member of Chinese Academy of Sciences in 1980. He had served as Professor of Geology in Peking University, Vice President of the Beijing College of Geology, and President of the Wuhan College of Geology, President of the Palaeontological Society of China, and Member of Standing Committee of CPPCC. Presently he is a Professor of China University of Geosciences and Vice President of the INHIGEO, IUGS. His research fields include palaeontology, stratigraphy, palaeogeography, tectonics, Precambrian geology and history of geology. His main achievements comprise: systematic classification, evolution, and world biogeography of rugose corals, tectono , bio and litho palaeogeography of China, and world reconstruction of the palaeocontinents. He has on these grounds formed a view of the earth's history based on mobilism in global tectonics combined with punctuated progression in historical development. Recently he has put forward with others a hierarchy scheme for sequence stratigraphy and its possible relation with cosmocycles, advanced the idea of universal rhythms of the earth and of Pangaea cycles, and suggested the possibility of punctuated, asymmetric and limited expansion in earth's history. He has published more than 180 papers, written and edited over 20 books, and was awarded the National Natural Science Prizes (First Class 1982, collective, Second Class 1987 and 1991), the Ho Leong Ho Lee Foundation Prize for Scientific and Technologic Progess (1994), and the Special Award of the Li Siguang (J. S. Lee) Foundation for Geology (1996).

王鸿祯,地质学家,1916年11月生,山东苍山人。1939年毕业于北京大学地质系。1947年获英国剑桥大学博士学位。历任北京大学教授兼秘书长、北京地质学院教授兼副院长、武汉地质学院教授兼院长、中国古生物学会理事长、第七、八届全国政协常务委员。现为中国地质大学教授,国际地科联地质科学史委员会副主席。1980年当选为中国科学院院士。研究领域包括古生物学、地层学、古地理学、前寒武纪地质学、大地构造学和地质学史。主要研究成果是:建立了四射珊瑚的系统分类和演化阶段,出版了《中国古地理图集》,提出了构造阶段的观点,形成了全球构造活动论和历史发展阶段论相结合的地球史观。提出了地球史上不同级别的节律及其可能的天文控制因素,以及地球演化中曾发生阶段性有限膨胀的设想。发表论文180余篇,出版专著等20余种。曾获国家自然科学一等奖(集体,1982年)、二等奖(1987,1991年),国家教委高校教材特等奖(1988年),何梁何利科技进步奖(1994年),李四光地质科学奖特别奖(1996年)。

What may be called the "Chinese Needham complex"mainly appears under three aspects: (1) Considering the contribution of Joseph Needham as consisting merely in extolling the achievements of science and technology in pre-modern China; (2) Believing that the final goal of the Science and Civilisation in China project is to solve the question"Why did not China develop modern science?"; (3) Being disturbed by the fact that it was a foreigner who first wrote the history of Chinese science and technology. Therefore...

What may be called the "Chinese Needham complex"mainly appears under three aspects: (1) Considering the contribution of Joseph Needham as consisting merely in extolling the achievements of science and technology in pre-modern China; (2) Believing that the final goal of the Science and Civilisation in China project is to solve the question"Why did not China develop modern science?"; (3) Being disturbed by the fact that it was a foreigner who first wrote the history of Chinese science and technology. Therefore , if we hope to comprehensively understand this "Modern Renaissance Man", we ought to survey his thought and works adopting a wide perspective; and if we hope to see clearly who Needham is in the world's view, we ought to seek to understand the worldview of Needham himself. The "Needham Question" did not originate from Needham himself. The Jesuits who first came to China around 1600 as well as some Enlightenment thinkers of Europe noted the "lagging behind" issue. Ren Hongjuan's article "On China's lack of science" (1915) initiated the discussion of this kind of question among Chinese intellectuals. In the 40s of the 20th century, the mutual discussions and illuminations between Needham and his Chinese academic friends became one of the most important motives for his later initiative in the writing of SCC. Influenced by biological evolutionism and a materialist view of history, Needham was a firm believer in the "inevitability of scientific progress". like some other left-intellectuals in Cambridge in that time, Needham felt passionately about social problems, and he believed science was a huge force which could push society forward. This led him to devote himself to the struggle against fascism ,to come to China where he directed the Sino-British Science Coopera tion Office ,and then to serve as the first Head of the Natural Science Section of UNESCO. On the other hand, Needham was also a devout Christian. The philanthropism of Christianity and Socialism's spirit of equality were two foundation stones of his thought, in addition to ancient Chinese philosophy. His understanding of and sympathy towards non-Western civilizations came from the following faith: science was the common heritage of the whole of mankind, the unity of nature was reflected in the unity of science and the latter was an affirmation of the unity of mankind. Most contemporary historians of science regard the "Needham Question" as being somehow connected with the "scientific revolution" issue. To supply essential intellectual context for some Chinese scholars who are still bogged down in the "Needham Question", the author introduces some recent researches made by foreign scholars on relevant topics. Meanwhile, he also points out the modern significance of Needham's works: They set out the contribution of non-Western civilizations to the development of the whole human race, using ancient China as an example, and seriously criticize "Occident-centralism" in terms of cultural diversity and scientific oecumenism. Finally, the author provides a comment on the argument whether there was science or not in ancient China".

中国人的“李约瑟情结”主要表现在3个方面:(1)将李约瑟的贡献片面地理解成为中国古代科技成就树碑立传;(2)将其写作《中国的科学与文明》的最终目的理解成回答“中国何以未能产生近代科学”的问题;(3)为中国的历史由外国人书写的事实感到不安。因此,要想对这位当代文艺复兴式的学者有一更清楚的认识,就必须跳出中国的圈子来审视他的思想和工作;而要想看清“世界的李约瑟”,就得对“李约瑟的世界”有所了解。 所谓“李约瑟问题”并非始于李约瑟,早年来华的耶稣会士和欧洲一些启蒙思想家就已关注到中国社会与科技的“落后”问题,任鸿隽1915年的文章《说中国无科学之原因》首开中国知识界讨论这一问题的先声,20世纪 40年代李约瑟与中国知识分子的讨论互相启发,构成他日后写作《中国的科学与文明》的一个重要动力。 受到生物进化论和马克思主义唯物史观的影响,李约瑟成为一个“科学进步论”的坚定信奉者。他与当时在剑桥的一批左翼知识分子一样,对社会问题倾注了极大的热情,并相信科学是一种推进社会进步的强大力量。这导致他投身反法西斯运动来到中国领导中英科学合作馆,其后又担任联合国教科文组织科学部的首任主席。但是李约瑟又是一个虔诚的基督徒,基...

中国人的“李约瑟情结”主要表现在3个方面:(1)将李约瑟的贡献片面地理解成为中国古代科技成就树碑立传;(2)将其写作《中国的科学与文明》的最终目的理解成回答“中国何以未能产生近代科学”的问题;(3)为中国的历史由外国人书写的事实感到不安。因此,要想对这位当代文艺复兴式的学者有一更清楚的认识,就必须跳出中国的圈子来审视他的思想和工作;而要想看清“世界的李约瑟”,就得对“李约瑟的世界”有所了解。 所谓“李约瑟问题”并非始于李约瑟,早年来华的耶稣会士和欧洲一些启蒙思想家就已关注到中国社会与科技的“落后”问题,任鸿隽1915年的文章《说中国无科学之原因》首开中国知识界讨论这一问题的先声,20世纪 40年代李约瑟与中国知识分子的讨论互相启发,构成他日后写作《中国的科学与文明》的一个重要动力。 受到生物进化论和马克思主义唯物史观的影响,李约瑟成为一个“科学进步论”的坚定信奉者。他与当时在剑桥的一批左翼知识分子一样,对社会问题倾注了极大的热情,并相信科学是一种推进社会进步的强大力量。这导致他投身反法西斯运动来到中国领导中英科学合作馆,其后又担任联合国教科文组织科学部的首任主席。但是李约瑟又是一个虔诚的基督徒,基督教的博爱精神

 
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